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After Vimy, Papen asked for a transfer to the Middle East, which was approved. After the Turks signed an armistice with the Allies on 30 October , the German Asia Corps was ordered home, and Papen was in the mountains at Karapunar when he heard on 11 November that the war was over.
After leaving the German Army in the spring of , Papen purchased a country estate, the Haus Merfeld , living the life of a "gentleman farmer" in Dülmen.
Papen entered politics and joined the Centre Party , better known as the Zentrum. Papen's politics were much closer to the German National People's Party than to the Zentrum , and he seems to have belonged to the Zentrum on the account of his Roman Catholicism and a hope that he could shift his party to the right.
Papen was a member of the Landtag of Prussia from to and from to , representing a rural, Catholic constituency in Westphalia.
In March , Papen welcomed the coming of presidential government. On 1 June , Papen was suddenly lifted to supreme importance when president Hindenburg appointed him Chancellor.
Papen owed his appointment to the Chancellorship to General Kurt von Schleicher , an old friend from the pre-war General Staff and influential advisor of President Hindenburg.
Schleicher selected Papen because his conservative, aristocratic background and military career was satisfactory to Hindenburg and would create the groundwork for a possible Centre-Nazi coalition.
After he broke his pledge, Kaas branded him the " Ephialtes of the Centre Party"; Papen forestalled being expelled from the party by leaving it on 31 May The cabinet that Papen formed was known as the "cabinet of barons" or "cabinet of monocles".
The Centre Party would not support Papen because he had backstabbed Brüning. Papen consented on 31 May to Hitler's and Hindenburg's agreement of 30 May that the Nazi Party would tolerate Papen's government if fresh elections were called, the Sturmabteilung ban was canceled and the Nazis were granted access to the radio network.
In June and July Papen represented Germany at the Lausanne conference where, on 9 July, German reparation obligations were cancelled.
Through Article 48, Papen enacted economic policies on 4 September that cut the payments offered by the unemployment insurance fund, subjected jobless Germans seeking unemployment insurance to a means test, lowered wages including those reached by collective bargaining , while arranging tax cuts for corporations and the rich.
Negotiations between the Nazis, the Centre Party and Papen for a new Prussian government began on 8 June but broke down due to the Centre Party's hostility to the party deserter Papen.
Berlin was put on military shutdown and Papen sent men to arrest the SPD Prussian authorities, whom he accused with no evidence of being in league with the Communists.
Hereafter, Papen declared himself commissioner of Prussia by way of another emergency decree that he elicited from Hindenburg, further weakening the democracy of the Weimar Republic.
On 23 July, Papen had German representatives walk out of the World Disarmament Conference after the French delegation warned that allowing Germany Gleichberechtigung "equality of status" in armaments would lead to another world war.
Papen announced that the Reich would not return to the conference until the other powers agreed to consider his demand for Gleichberechtigung.
In the Reichstag election of 31 July the Nazis won the largest number of seats. To combat the rise in SA and SS political terrorism that began right after the elections, Papen on 9 August brought in via Article 48 a new law that drastically streamlined the judicial process in death penalty cases while limiting the right of appeal.
On 11 August, the public holiday of Constitution Day, which commemorated the adoption of the Weimar Constitution in , Papen and his Interior Minister Baron Wilhelm von Gayl called a press conference to announce plans for a new constitution that would, in effect, turn Germany into a dictatorship.
When the new Reichstag assembled on 12 September, Papen hoped to destroy the growing alliance between the Nazis and the Centre Party. However, when no one objected, Papen placed the red folder containing the dissolution decree on Reichstag president Hermann Göring 's desk.
He demanded the floor in order to read it, but Göring pretended not to see him; the Nazis and the Centre Party had decided to support the Communist motion.
On 27 October, the Supreme Court of Germany issued a ruling that Papen's coup deposing the Prussian government was illegal, but allowed Papen to retain his control of Prussia.
In the November election the Nazis lost seats, but Papen was still unable to secure a Reichstag that could be counted on not to pass another vote of no-confidence in his government.
Instead, Hindenburg appointed Schleicher as chancellor. After his resignation, Papen regularly visited Hindenburg, missing no opportunity to attack Schleicher in these visits.
On 9 January , Papen and Hindenburg agreed to form a new government that would bring in Hitler. Hindenburg declined and Schleicher resigned at midday on 28 January.
Hindenburg formally gave Papen the task of forming a new government. The other eight posts were held by conservatives close to Papen.
Additionally, as part of the deal that allowed Hitler to become Chancellor, Papen was granted the right to attend every meeting between Hitler and Hindenburg.
Moreover, Cabinet decisions were made by majority vote. Papen believed that his conservative friends' majority in the Cabinet and his closeness to Hindenburg would keep Hitler in check.
Hitler and his allies instead quickly marginalised Papen and the rest of the cabinet. For example, as part of the deal between Hitler and Papen, Göring had been appointed interior minister of Prussia, thus putting the largest police force in Germany under Nazi control.
He frequently acted without consulting his nominal superior, Papen. On 1 February , Hitler presented to the cabinet an Article 48 decree law that had been drafted by Papen in November allowing the police to take people into "protective custody" without charges.
On the evening of 27 February , Papen joined Hitler, Göring and Goebbels at the burning Reichstag and told him that he shared their belief that this was the signal for Communist revolution.
After the Enabling Act was passed, serious deliberations more or less ceased at cabinet meetings when they took place at all, which subsequently neutralised Papen's attempt to "box" Hitler in through cabinet-based decision-making.
Papen endorsed Hitler's plan presented at a cabinet meeting on 7 March to destroy the Zentrum by severing the Catholic Church from the Zentrum.
Papen saw the end of the Zentrum that he had engineered as one of his greatest achievements. Papen began covert talks with other conservative forces with the aim of convincing Hindenburg to restore the balance of power back to the conservatives.
With the Army command recently having hinted at the need for Hitler to control the SA, Papen delivered an address at the University of Marburg on 17 June where he called for the restoration of some freedoms, demanded an end to the calls for a "second revolution" and advocated the cessation of SA terror in the streets.
The speech incensed Hitler, and its publication was suppressed by the Propaganda Ministry. Two weeks after the Marburg speech, Hitler responded to the armed forces' demands to suppress the ambitions of Ernst Röhm and the SA by purging the SA leadership.
Though Papen's bold speech against some of the excesses committed by the Nazis had angered Hitler, the latter was aware that he could not act directly against the Vice-Chancellor without offending Hindenburg.
Papen himself was placed under house arrest at his villa with his telephone line cut. Some accounts indicate that this "protective custody" was ordered by Göring, who felt the ex-diplomat could be useful in the future.
Reportedly Papen arrived at the Chancellery, exhausted from days of house arrest without sleep, to find the Chancellor seated with other Nazi ministers around a round table, with no place for him but a hole in the middle.
He insisted on a private audience with Hitler and announced his resignation, stating, "My service to the Fatherland is over! When Hindenburg died on 2 August, the last conservative obstacles to complete Nazi rule were gone.
Hitler offered Papen the assignment of German ambassador to Vienna , which Papen accepted. Instead, Papen reported directly to Hitler. Papen met often with Austrian Chancellor Kurt von Schuschnigg to assure him that Germany did not wish to annex his country, and only wanted the banned Austrian Nazi Party to participate in Austrian politics.
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Poppin' was one of many sessions tenor saxophonist Hank Mobley recorded in the late '50s and early '60s but remained unreleased until the late '70s and '80s.
It's hard to say why this session - which was recorded in -- sat on the shelves, since it as good as the other records he cut at the time.
Leading a sextet featuring trumpeter Art Farmer , baritone saxophonist Pepper Adams , pianist Sonny Clark , bassist Paul Chambers , and drummer Philly Joe Jones , Mobley plays a selection of five originals and contemporary jazz songs with passion and vigor.
All of the musicians turn in fine performances Clark in particular stands out with his lithe solos and tasteful accompaniment , and the result is a winning collection of straight-ahead hard bop that ranks as another solid addition to Mobley 's strong catalog.
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